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The all African Darfur Force
E. Ablorh-Odjidja, Ghanadot

Some of us have been quick to blame the UN Security Council for being lax on Africa’s security issues. But now that she has acted in favor of a hybrid force for Darfur, the BBC reports it is the AU now that is insisting on using an all African force instead.

The surprising point about the AU decision is that it seems to fit seamlessly with what Sudan had wanted all along. So we are now left to ponder how this decision from the AU came about and for what reason.

The decision was announced by Alpha Oumar Konare, the AU Commission chairman, after talks with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. According to Konare the AU has “received sufficient commitments from African countries that we will not have to resort to non-African forces."

For those who have been following the Darfur tragedy with sufficient concern, Konare’s decision is like a bolt from the blue. And Omar Bashir, who has been arguing against UN intervention in Sudan, appears the winner.

It has been Bashir’s wish to keep the UN out of Sudan. Clearly, allowing in a UN force that may result in his demise as a president and eventual trial for crime against humanity is real. And certainly, he has much to fear of a hybrid force that would have come with strong US influence in materiel, command and President George Bush connected to the other end of the line.

The AU has taken on an enormous responsibility with this quest. But the potential for a foul up is huge with the odds going against the 20000 force that will be dependent on UN for support. The only grace is the exercise can be a test for the continent's resolve.

As early as June last year, Bashir had threatened to kick the AU’s token force of 7000 men out of Sudan when the organization had requested the UN to take over control of her force.

"If the AU wants to transfer the mission to the UN, then they have to pack up their troops and leave by September 30," said Al-Samani Al-Wasila, Sudan's junior foreign affairs minister after a meeting with AU officials in Addis Ababa last year.

A year later Bashir has his wish. It is the AU now which is promoting his option of a non-hybrid force in Sudan while the conflict in Darfur waits for solution.

Several reasons have been posted for the Darfur conflict, the latest being lack of resources in the region and it is being offered by no other than Jeffrey Sachs, director of Columbia University's Earth Institute.

He has maintained that “when you are dealing with very hungry people and desperately poor people, unless you also put forward a realistic and viable development option, you can't make peace."

The main issue of genocide which seems to be the obvious case has been side stepped, even by the UN Security Council herself. The interesting point is even if you were to infer that the resource theory is correct, one single fact will still remain for Darfur; that the struggle against scarcity in Sudan has broken along racial lines. Sudanese Arabs are slaughtering Sudanese Africans.

The racial component of the conflict in Sudan naturally invites a hybrid UN force as a response. That possibility could subdue the racial aspect of the conflict, should it blow into a full scale war.
 

In contrast, the all African force has no such excuse. Its composition will be African and racial. And, ultimately, if Africa has to gain the confidence of her people, this force will have to asset itself in an exercise that can be described as an incursion into a sovereign territory of Sudan. The chance of Sudan being truculent in the face of this incursion adds up to the possibility of a full racial confrontation between an all African force and Sudanese Arabs.

Thus, the act of an all African force may be fulfilling emotionally, but it is not very realistic; not unless the objective is to free Sudan officials from UN wrath.

The AU, it seems, has chosen a hard row with this approach. The question is, is she desirous and serious about bringing the Darfur conflict to an end? An all African force? Forget the achievement of ECOWAS in Liberia. Liberia is a small costal country with no naval force that years of conflict had already reduced to impotency.

Sudan is not Liberia. Getting there alone will present a huge logistical problem. The cost to maintain a 20000 man force there is said to be about $2 billion a year. It becomes a laughing matter when you think that the AU has to find this money from somewhere.

Konare’s announcement is contrary to the position arrived at the Security Council on July 31 of this year and adopted as UN Security Council Resolution 1769, which called for a hybrid force under her command and control. So will the UN fund the all African force in spite of her decision?

Beyond the funding, there will still be the question whether this all African force can be effective and be prevailed upon or not to arrest Sudanese high officials alleged to have committed crimes against humanity.

Earlier, the AU had an easier choice of a political approach; simply kicking Sudan out of the AU and prevailing on her backers at the UN Security Council, China for instance, to abandon her or face economic and political boycott in Africa. With China so hungry for resources and contracts from African governments, this approach would have worked without the AU putting a single foot soldier on Sudanese soil.

Less we forget, President Bashir’s wish was for an all African force that would have been funded by the Arab League; a sort of the fox getting to guard the hen house strategy. After years of negotiation, Africa has managed to arrive at the same spot Sudan was some years ago. In the interim, thousands of Sudanese Africans have died.

Some see the all African force as one of aspiration; the hope that Africa would redeem herself via Darfur; with AU in charge of the command and control structures of the force. Obviously, an all African force alone does not represent a credible threat against Sudan. So this campaign may either be a fool’s quest or the officials in Sudan may have bought their way out of a possible charge of crime against humanity.

E. Ablorh-Odjidja, Washington, DC, August 17, 2007
 

 

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